Percent of Youth Who Are Arrested Once Never Get Arrested Again

Arrest, Release, Repeat:

How police and jails are misused to answer to social problems

By Alexi Jones and Wendy Sawyer Tweet this
Baronial 2019
Press release

Police force and jails are supposed to promote public condom. Increasingly, however, law enforcement is called upon to respond punitively to medical and economic problems unrelated to public safety issues. As a outcome, local jails are filled with people who need medical intendance and social services, many of whom bike in and out of jail without ever receiving the help they demand. Conversations about this problem are becoming more frequent, but until now, these conversations have been missing three fundamental data points: how many people become to jail each yr, how many render, and which underlying problems fuel this cycle.

In this study, we fill this troubling information gap with a new assay of a federal survey, finding that at least 4.9 1000000 people are arrested and jailed each twelvemonth,ⁱ and at to the lowest degree i in iv of those individuals are booked into jail more than in one case during the same yr.ⁱⁱ Our assay shows that repeated arrests are related to race and poverty, as well as loftier rates of mental illness and substance use disorders. Ultimately, we find that people who are jailed have much higher rates of social, economic, and wellness bug that cannot and should not be addressed through incarceration.

Fortunately, as we discuss in our recommendations, there are policy solutions that can suspension this wheel of incarceration past addressing people'southward needs in their communities rather than through the criminal justice system.

Past the numbers: At least iv.9 million individuals are arrested and booked per year

Using nationally representative information from the National Survey on Drug Utilise and Health (NSDUH), we find that at least 4.9 million individuals were arrested and booked in 2017^three. Of those 4.nine million individuals, 3.5 meg were arrested simply once in 2017; 930,000 were arrested twice; and 430,000 were arrested 3 or more than times.

People with multiple arrests disproportionately come up from marginalized populations

Near broadly, we observe important demographic differences between people with multiple arrests in the by year and those with no arrests or just ane arrest. Our analysis shows that people with multiple arrests are unduly: Black, low-income, less educated, and unemployed. Moreover, the vast majority are arrested for non-fierce offenses. This suggests that instead of incarceration, which diminishes economic prospects, public investments in employment assistance, educational activity and vocational preparation, and financial assistance would assistance mediate the weather that atomic number 82 marginalized individuals to police contact in the first place.

Slideshow 1. Swipe for more demographic comparisons of people jailed once in a year, multiple times, or non at all. For the raw data used to construct these graphs, meet Appendix Tabular array ane.

Specifically, we discover that:

• Black Americans are overrepresented among people who were arrested in 2017. Despite making upwards only 13% of the general population, Blackness men and women account for 21% of people who were arrested just once and 28% of people arrested multiple times in 2017. This is partly reflective of persistent residential segregation and racial profiling, which subject Black individuals and communities to greater surveillance and increased likelihood of police stops and searches.
• Poverty is strongly correlated with multiple arrests. Nearly half (49%) of people with multiple arrests in the past year had individual incomes below $10,000 per year. In dissimilarity, most a third (36%) of people arrested merely once, and but 1 in 5 (21%) people who had no arrests, had incomes below $ten,000.
• Depression educational attainment increases the likelihood of arrest, especially multiple arrests. Two-thirds (66%) of people with multiple arrests had no more than a high school education, compared to one-half (51%) of those who were arrested one time and a 3rd (33%) of people who had no arrests in the past year.^v
• People with multiple arrests are 4 times more likely to exist unemployed (15%) than those with no arrests in the past year (iv%).
• Virtually people arrested multiple times don't pose a serious public safety risk. The vast majority (88%) of people who were arrested and jailed multiple times had not been arrested for a serious violent offense in the past twelvemonth.^half-dozen

People with multiple arrests have greater health needs

In add-on to social and economical factors, our analysis also shows that people who are arrested and booked more than once per year frequently have underlying health issues, many of which can lead to police force contact. Our finding that people with multiple arrests have low rates of violence but serious medical and mental health needs gives new urgency to the growing concerns that jails take become "the de facto mental health care system in many communities," and that police are often used to respond to medical and mental wellness problems, not to matters of public prophylactic.

People who were jailed were more likely than those who weren't jailed to have serious mental and physical wellness needs, and to lack health insurance. These needs were even more prevalent among those arrested more than than in one case per year. For the raw data used to construct this graph, see Appendix Table 1.

Our analysis demonstrates that a significant portion of people with multiple arrests take serious mental health and medical needs that cannot and should not exist addressed by jails:

• Over half (52%) of people arrested multiple times reported a substance use disorder in the past year. ^vii In contrast, 36% of people arrested in one case and just 7% of people who were not arrested had a substance use disorder in the by year.
• People with multiple arrests were 3 times more likely to accept a serious mental affliction (25% vs. 9%) and iii times more likely to written report serious psychological distress, including symptoms of depression and feet, than people with no arrests in the by twelvemonth (30% vs 11%).
• People with multiple arrests were less likely to have admission to health care. Individuals who were arrested and booked more than one time were over 3 times more likely to accept no health insurance (27%) compared to those with no arrests in the past year (8%), and slightly more likely to lack insurance than people arrested only once (23%).
• HIV prevalence was 11 times college among people with multiple arrests (one.68%) compared to people with no arrests in the past year (0.15%). There is a meaning overlap between social determinants of HIV and risk factors for incarceration; for example, intravenous drug use, homelessness, and poverty all increment the risk of both HIV and incarceration. Moreover, incarceration can be particularly dangerous for people living with HIV, equally many jails fail to provide appropriate HIV care.

Even a few days in jail can be especially devastating for people with serious mental health and medical needs, equally they are cutting off from their medications, support systems, and regular healthcare providers. Even worse, many people are in jail in the midst of a wellness crisis, such every bit mental distress or substance use withdrawal. Yet history has shown that jails are unable to provide effective mental health and medical intendance to incarcerated people. Jailing people with serious mental affliction and substance utilize disorders has lethal consequences. Instead, jurisdictions must invest in public wellness and community-based health services, such equally substance use treatment, mental health services, and community health centers, to prevent and care for the underlying issues that tin atomic number 82 to abort and incarceration.

A closer wait at the subset of "frequent utilizers" among those with multiple arrests

The about 428,000 people who wheel in and out of jail nearly frequently (i.due east. iii or more times over the course of a year) need special attention in this written report and from policymakers. These individuals, sometimes chosen "frequent utilizers," repeatedly collaborate with the criminal justice system and with public services similar emergency rooms and emergency shelters.

Although no national data has been published on this phenomenon, several cities have studied how their jails are used and reported that a small portion of people account for a large number of arrests. Unnecessary arrests cost cities and counties millions of dollars but practise nothing to ready the underlying medical, economic, and social problems. For example, in New York City, a study of frequent utilizers plant that the 800 people with the most arrests accounted for 18,713 jail admissions and $129 million in custody and health costs over five years. In Camden, New Jersey, researchers institute that 5% of adults accounted for 25% of all arrests over the 5-year written report period.

Slideshow 2. Swipe for more than detail on the economic, racial, and wellness disparities between "frequent utilizers" and people who had no by-yr arrests. For the raw information used to construct these graphs, see Appendix Table 2

To better provide national data on "frequent utilizers", we also looked specifically at people who were arrested and booked three or more times in the past year. We found similar, simply often more than farthermost, results compared to the findings discussed higher up:

• 42% of people arrested and booked 3 or more times were Black.
• About half (l%) of those near oft arrested had annual incomes beneath $10,000 and 85% had incomes below $20,000.
• Educational attainment was lowest among people with 3 or more arrests in a yr. 3-quarters (74%) had a high school education or less — with 38% without a loftier school diploma.
• The majority of people (61%) arrested iii or more times reported having a substance use disorder. Over a quarter (27%) had a serious or moderate mental illness.
• People with 3 or more arrests were more likely to have been diagnosed with chronic wellness weather compared to those with no arrests, including eye conditions (15% vs. 10%), HIV (4.12% vs. 0.15%), cirrhosis (3.47% vs. 0.21%), and hepatitis B or C (2.43% vs. 1.04%).
• Frequent utilizers were more likely to use emergency rooms multiple times in the past year. 36% of frequent utilizers had used the emergency 2 or more times in the past year, compared to 11% of people with no arrests.

Frequent utilizers are characterized past serious public wellness needs, mental wellness or substance use disorders, and unstable housing conditions. While interventions specifically targeting frequent utilizers of the criminal justice organization are nevertheless relatively rare, programs in New York City and Denver have demonstrated that it is possible to stop people from cycling in and out of jail by providing appropriate medical care and social services in the customs, including supportive housing, mental wellness and substance employ treatment, and case management. These services, which accost the underlying problems that can pb to justice involvement, are more price-efficient, effective, only, and humane than incarcerating people.

Conclusion

Ultimately, our analysis confirms that people who are repeatedly arrested and jailed are arrested for lower-level offenses, have unmet medical and mental health needs, and are economically marginalized. Abort and incarceration of these individuals neither enhances public safety nor addresses their underlying needs. Our findings underscore the need to redirect dollars wasted on repeatedly jailing people toward public services that prevent justice involvement in the first identify: education, employment assistance, public wellness, medical and mental health services.

Recommendations

Ofttimes arresting, jailing and rejailing people who pose little public safety risk has immediate moral and fiscal costs. These costs are compounded as underlying medical, financial, educational, and mental health needs are exacerbated by arrest and detention. To break this cycle, policymakers at the country and local level should:

Redirect taxpayer dollars from jails to expand access to wellness services:

• Counties should resist jail expansion, shut jails when possible, and instead invest in increasing health care chapters. Considering of the express number of psychiatric beds, which are often much farther away than jails, law enforcement officers often find it easier to send people with serious mental disease to jail. The Treatment Advocacy Centre estimates it is two.five times quicker for law enforcement to transport someone to a jail compared to a medical facility. For example, there are 25 detention sites beyond Dallas County, Texas, but there are only three psychiatric diversion sites for law enforcement. For more on how counties reduce jail populations and invest in community health, encounter our report Does our county really need a bigger jail? A guide for fugitive unnecessary jail expansion.
• Invest in community-based mental health care and treatment for substance use disorders, which tin can prevent criminal justice involvement in the kickoff place. Research has demonstrated that access to handling can reduce both violent and financially motivated crimes in a customs. Moreover, investing in such handling is estimated to yield a $12 render for every $i spent, equally it reduces future criminal offence, costly incarceration, and lowers health care expenses.
• Counties should besides provide prove-based mental health and substance employ disorder treatment in jails, including medication-assisted treatment, and connect people with medical care and wellness insurance upon release to ensure their treatment is not disrupted.

Connect people with social services:

• Expand task training and placement services, educational opportunities, and financial assistance for low-income individuals.
• Expand social services for people with unstable housing, focusing on "Housing Outset." This arroyo acknowledges that stable homes are ofttimes necessary before people can address unemployment, illness, substance apply disorder, and other problems. "Housing Starting time" reforms, along with expanded social services, would aid to disrupt the revolving door of release and reincarceration. Research has found that supportive housing may even pay for itself past reducing people's use of other public services, such as emergency medical care.

Reduce the number of arrests and jailable offenses:

• Police force should issue citations in lieu of arrests, which allow defendants to await for their court date at home without having to become to jail or post coin bail. And local governments should to exist sure to link defendants to pretrial services to ensure they make their court date.^viii
• States should reclassify criminal offenses and plough misdemeanor charges that don't threaten public prophylactic into non-jailable infractions.

Divert people to other service providers before abort, and away from jails after abort:

• States and counties should create pre-abort diversion programs so people with mental illness and substance use disorders can avoid arrest birthday and be diverted directly to advisable treatment and services. For example, Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD) is a pre-arrest diversion programme designed for people for people that appoint criminal activity due to unmet behavioral health needs or poverty. Under LEAD, law enforcement diverts peoples who would otherwise be arrested to example managers who respond to the immediate crisis and provide long term intensive case management, including substance use disorder treatment and housing.
• When people with substance use disorders and/or mental illnesses are arrested, states should make treatment-based diversion programs and other damage reduction strategies the default instead of jail. States should ensure their diversion and harm reduction programs are fully funded.^nine

Evaluate and address the needs frequent utilizers:

• Collect and analyze data in order to identify frequent utilizers and to pattern interventions. Since frequent utilizers interact with not simply the criminal justice system, but too healthcare and homeless services, information technology is of import to integrate information across agencies. This data is crucial to understanding local frequent utilizer populations and designing effective, evidence-based interventions. Interventions should as well address racial and ethnic disparities in the frequent utilizer population.

A note about using public health data for a criminal justice system analysis

Every bit with most national criminal justice data, which tends to exist outdated, incomplete, and inconsistent,^ten data on jail admissions is extremely express. The Agency of Justice Statistics (BJS) publishes bones descriptive statistics virtually the 740,000 individuals in jail on a given day in its annual Jail Inmates reports, and it published a more in-depth Profile of Jail Inmates in 2004, based on a 2002 survey. Nonetheless fifty-fifty basic descriptions of the millions of other individuals who are arrested and jailed over the course of the yr are conspicuously absent from the information. Until now, in that location has not even been an answer to the basic question: how many individuals are arrested and booked into jails in a given year? This lack of data restricts policymakers' power to empathize and accost the high number of yearly arrests and jail admissions.

In order to reply this question, nosotros had to turn to public health data: the 2017 National Survey on Drug Use and Wellness (NSDUH). Just because it was not intended to be used to assess justice-involved populations specifically, its sample excludes two groups that are likely to exist arrested but are hard targets for a survey: incarcerated people (in jails and prisons) and unsheltered homeless people.¹¹ The exclusion of people who were incarcerated or unsheltered homeless when they otherwise would have been surveyed creates a limitation to our analysis, since many were likely arrested and jailed during 2017.

Because of the limitations in both national criminal justice and homelessness data, there is no obvious way to supplement the NSDUH to estimate the number of people who were arrested and booked in 2017 but excluded from the survey. Neither the BJS nor FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting Programme plan keeps track of the number of unique individuals arrested or jailed over the course of a year. Nevertheless, given the loftier charge per unit of weekly jail turnover (54%) and the fact that the average length of stay in jails in 2017 was merely 26 days, we concluded that near of the people who fabricated upwardly the 10.6 million total jail admissions in 2017 were likely notwithstanding included in NSDUH.

Despite the limitations of the NSDUH sample, the survey offers the almost comprehensive nationally representative data bachelor to describe people who are arrested and jailed, whether in one case or many times in a year. Our analysis shows there are important differences between those jailed just once and those jailed multiple times — differences that accept articulate policy implications — merely the full scope of these differences will remain unknown until we improve arrest and jail data drove efforts.

Data Assay

For our analysis, we used the Substance Abuse and Mental Wellness Services Administration'due south (SAMHSA's) public online data assay organization (PDAS) to run cross tabulations on the National Survey on Drug Utilise and Wellness, 2017. Our analysis included the variables NOBOOKY2 for the number of times arrested and booked, EDUHIGHCAT for education, NEWRACE2 for race, IRPINC3 for income, HIVAIDSEV for HIV status, BKSRVIOL for whether someone had committed a trigger-happy offense, UDPYILAL for substance use disorder, SMMIYR_U for serious or moderate mental affliction, SPDYR for serious psychological distress, IRWRKSTAT18 for employment, CIRROSEVR for cirrhosis, HRTCONDEV for heart condition, and HEPBCEVER. In order to await at what offenses people committed, we used the following variables: BKMVTHFT (theft), BKDRUNK (drunkenness), BKDRUG (drug offenses), and BKOTHOF2 (for "other offenses," including additional drug violations, theft violations, probation and parole violations, and traffic violations).

For researchers who desire to replicate our work, we found it helpful to take the steps discussed below. When possible, we used variables that were recoded and imputed by SAMHSA so that "Bad information" "blank" "refused" or "don't know" responses were already accounted for and excluded in our assay and weighting. For variables where SAMHSA did not provide a recoded version, we recoded all missing data, such as "Bad data," "Refused," "Blank," and "Don't Know," into "NA."

Nosotros took additional steps for some of the of the variables:

• For arrests, we recoded "Legitimate Skip" and "No" responses into "No." ("Legitimate Skip" indicates that the respondent was not asked how many times they were arrested and booked in the past 12 months, because they had previously responded that they had never been arrested).
• We excluded individuals between 12 and 17 years sometime from our analyses of the relationships between arrest and education, employment, and income, since youths are typically yet in schoolhouse at those ages rather than the labor forcefulness.

Read about the data

Appendix

To benefit other researchers who wish to build upon our assay or need the precise data behind our graphs, this appendix shares our complete information. The first appendix corresponds with the first role of the report focusing on those with multiple arrests (that is, two or more arrests inside 12 months). The second table corresponds with the frequent utilizer department, focusing on the subset of people with multiple arrests that are arrested three or more times within a year.

Note that, due to rounding, percentages may non full 100%.

Table 1. This table summarizes demographic, economical, and health data for people with no arrests, one arrest, and multiple arrests in the past year.

	Everyone surveyed	No arrests in the past yr	i arrest in the by year	Multiple arrests in the past year
Employment status
Employed full time	45.26%	45.44%	44.28%	32.74%
Employed part time	11.78%	11.81%	x.58%	9.43%
Unemployed	3.94%	3.72%	12.39%	fifteen.07%
Other	29.85%	29.86%	25.74%	33.53%
12-17 Yr olds	9.17%	nine.16%	7.01%	9.23%
Race/Ethnicity
Not-Hispanic White	62.76%	63.15%	53.49%	45.79%
Non-Hispanic Black/African American	12.08%	11.80%	20.70%	28.08%
Non-Hispanic Native American or Alaskan Native	0.54%	0.51%	ii.66%	2.46%
Not-Hispanic Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander	0.39%	0.38%	1.02%	1.twenty%
Non-Hispanic Asian	v.62%	five.72%	i.64%	1.29%
Non-Hispanic more than i race	ane.80%	1.78%	2.93%	iii.23%
Hispanic	sixteen.80%	16.67%	17.56%	17.96%
Sexual activity
Male	48.51%	47.98%	66.88%	77.71%
Female	51.49%	52.02%	33.12%	22.29%
Teaching
Less than high school	xi.13%	ten.72%	20.21%	35.91%
High school graduate	22.15%	21.93%	xxx.62%	29.61%
Some higher or associates degree	28.23%	28.30%	32.19%	21.29%
College graduate	29.32%	29.88%	9.97%	3.96%
12-17 Twelvemonth olds	9.17%	9.16%	seven.01%	nine.23%
Income
Less than $10,000	21.63%	21.18%	35.85%	48.60%
$10,000 — $19,999	17.89%	17.66%	27.10%	29.35%
$20,000 — $29,999	13.11%	13.07%	14.57%	12.86%
$30,000 — $39,999	10.88%	eleven.01%	vi.76%	four.18%
$40,000 — $49,999	viii.65%	eight.76%	4.82%	1.24%
$50,000 — $74,999	12.62%	12.77%	8.09%	three.02%
$75,000 or more	15.22%	fifteen.55%	ii.81%	0.76%
Covered past any health insurance
Yes	90.58%	90.99%	75.69%	71.84%
No	8.87%	8.49%	23.35%	27.17%
N/A	0.56%	0.52%	0.96%	0.99%
Past year serious or moderate mental illness
Yes	9.50%	9.23%	22.45%	24.78%
No	90.50%	90.77%	77.55%	75.22%
Past year psychological distress
Yes	11.22%	10.88%	26.72%	xxx.15%
No	88.78%	89.12%	73.28%	69.85%
Past year illicit drug or booze dependence or abuse
Yep	seven.27%	6.63%	36.27%	51.54%
No	92.73%	93.37%	63.73%	48.46%
HIV
Yes	0.sixteen%	0.15%	0.35%	ane.68%
No	98.80%	98.95%	98.72%	96.31%
Northward/A	1.04%	0.90%	0.93%	iii.01%

Tabular array ii. This tabular array summarizes demographic, economic, and health information for people with no arrests, 1 arrest, two arrests, and three or more arrests in the past year. This corresponds with the department of the report almost frequent utilizers, which we defined as individuals with three or more than arrests within 12 months.

	Anybody surveyed	No arrests in the past year	1 arrest in the past year	ii arrests in the past year	iii or more than arrests in the by twelvemonth
Employment condition
Employed full fourth dimension	45.26%	45.44%	44.28%	34.18%	29.62%
Employed part fourth dimension	11.78%	xi.81%	ten.58%	10.78%	6.48%
Unemployed	3.94%	three.72%	12.39%	14.24%	16.88%
Other	29.85%	29.86%	25.74%	33.76%	33.03%
12-17 Year olds	9.17%	nine.16%	vii.01%	7.03%	13.99%
Race/Ethnicity
Non-Hispanic White	62.76%	63.15%	53.49%	47.32%	42.46%
Non-Hispanic Black/African American	12.08%	eleven.eighty%	xx.70%	21.63%	42.08%
Not-Hispanic Native American or Alaskan Native	0.54%	0.51%	2.66%	2.05%	3.36%
Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander	0.39%	0.38%	ane.02%	i.63%	0.27%
Non-Hispanic Asian	5.62%	5.72%	1.64%	1.71%	0.38%
Not-Hispanic more than one race	1.fourscore%	one.78%	2.93%	3.81%	1.96%
Hispanic	xvi.80%	sixteen.67%	17.56%	21.86%	9.fifty%
Sex activity
Male	48.51%	47.98%	66.88%	77.00%	79.25%
Female	51.49%	52.02%	33.12%	23.00%	20.75%
Education
Less than high school	11.xiii%	ten.72%	20.21%	34.76%	38.42%
High schoolhouse graduate	22.15%	21.93%	xxx.62%	26.92%	35.43%
Some college or associates degree	28.23%	28.30%	32.19%	26.26%	x.51%
College graduate	29.32%	29.88%	9.97%	5.03%	i.64%
12-17 Twelvemonth olds	9.17%	ix.16%	7.01%	vii.03%	13.99%
Income
Less than $10,000	21.63%	21.18%	35.85%	48.02%	49.96%
$ten,000 – $xix,999	17.89%	17.66%	27.10%	26.68%	35.60%
$20,000 – $29,999	xiii.11%	xiii.07%	14.57%	fifteen.12%	7.56%
$30,000 – $39,999	x.88%	eleven.01%	vi.76%	4.73%	2.89%
$40,000 – $49,999	viii.65%	eight.76%	four.82%	0.94%	one.95%
$l,000 – $74,999	12.62%	12.77%	8.09%	iii.72%	1.36%
$75,000 or more than	15.22%	15.55%	ii.81%	0.78%	0.69%
Covered by whatsoever health insurance
Yes	90.58%	90.99%	75.69%	72.thirteen%	71.19%
No	8.87%	8.49%	23.35%	27.38%	26.72%
N/A	0.56%	0.52%	0.96%	0.48%	two.09%
Past year serious or moderate mental disease
Yes	9.fifty%	9.23%	22.45%	23.91%	26.82%
No	ninety.50%	90.77%	77.55%	76.09%	73.18%
Past twelvemonth psychological distress
Yes	eleven.22%	10.88%	26.72%	27.25%	36.94%
No	88.78%	89.12%	73.28%	72.75%	63.06%
Past year illicit drug or alcohol dependence or abuse
Yes	7.27%	6.63%	36.27%	47.33%	sixty.66%
No	92.73%	93.37%	63.73%	52.67%	39.34%
HIV
Yeah	0.16%	0.fifteen%	0.35%	0.56%	four.12%
No	98.lxxx%	98.95%	98.72%	96.13%	93.52%
N/A	1.04%	0.xc%	0.93%	3.31%	2.37%
Hepatitis B or C
Yes	1.09%	1.04%	2.50%	9.47%	2.43%
No	97.87%	98.06%	96.57%	87.22%	95.21%
N/A	1.04%	0.90%	0.93%	three.31%	2.37%
Cirrhosis
Yes	0.22%	0.21%	0.86%	0.55%	iii.47%
No	98.74%	98.89%	98.21%	96.14%	94.16%
N/A	1.04%	0.xc%	0.93%	3.31%	two.37%
Heart Condition
Yep	9.66%	9.73%	five.36%	6.21%	14.56%
No	89.31%	89.37%	93.71%	90.48%	83.07%
N/A	ane.04%	0.90%	0.93%	3.31%	2.37%
Number of emergency room visits in the past year
None	72.33%	72.93%	51.55%	53.48%	42.66%
Ane	fourteen.18%	xiv.05%	22.49%	21.04%	xviii.26%
Ii	7.08%	vi.94%	12.32%	xvi.thirty%	23.52%
Three plus	iv.31%	4.16%	9.82%	9.13%	12.33%
N/A	ii.xi%	1.92%	3.81%	0.05%	iii.23%

About the Prison Policy Initiative

The non-profit, non-partisan Prison Policy Initiative was founded in 2001 to expose the broader harm of mass criminalization and spark advocacy campaigns to create a more than only society. Through accessible, big-picture reports, the system helps the public appoint more fully in criminal justice reform. Its previous reports Era of Mass Expansion and Detaining the Poor helped put the need for jail and bail reform into the national conversation. More recently, it published, by the same author, Does our canton really need a bigger jail? A guide for avoiding unnecessary jail expansion. The Prison Policy Initiative likewise leads the nation's fight against prison-based gerrymandering and plays a leading role in protecting the families of incarcerated people from the predatory prison house and jail telephone and video calling industries.

Near the authors

Alexi Jones is a Policy Analyst at the Prison Policy Initiative. Since joining the Prison Policy Initiative, Lexi has authored Correctional Control 2018: Incarceration and supervision by state, which shows that prison is but one piece of the much larger picture of correctional command, discusses the harms of probation in item, and provides breakdowns of the criminal justice system in each state. Most recently, she authored Does our county really need a bigger jail? A guide for avoiding unnecessary jail expansion and co-authored State of Telephone Justice: Local jails, state prisons, and phone providers with Peter Wagner.

Wendy Sawyer is a Senior Policy Analyst at the Prison Policy Initiative. She is the co-author, with Peter Wagner, of Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie (2018 and 2019) and States of Incarceration: The Global Context 2018. She is likewise the author of Youth Confinement: The Whole Pie and The Gender Divide: Tracking women'due south country prison growth, besides as the 2016 report Punishing Poverty: The high cost of probation fees in Massachusetts.

Acknowledgments

This report was made possible thank you to the generous support of the MacArthur Foundation's Safety and Justice Challenge, and the contributions of individuals across the state who support justice reform. Wanda Bertram and Peter Wagner provided invaluable feedback and editorial guidance. Lucius Couloute, Mack Finkel, and Dan Kopf helped respond critical data questions, and Roxanne Daniel provided research aid.

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Source: https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/repeatarrests.html

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